Colonial Williamsburg Digital Library

This research was funded in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities, "Urbanization in the Tidewater South, Part II: The Growth and Development of Williamsburg and Yorktown" (RO-20869-85).

From sometime in 1747 until well into 1748, Williamsburg suffered under a smallpox epidemic. An account of the epidemic, entitled "A true state of the small Pox Febry. 22d 1747/8" and generally supposed to have been compiled by Dr. John de Sequeyra, records the gravity of the situation: at least 754 persons in town had contracted the disease, of whom 53 or more died. This account, housed in the Library of Congress, provides valuable statistics of a colonial American smallpox epidemic, but as a tool for the study of the Williamsburg community during the middle of the eighteenth century, it is priceless. The document is, in effect, a census, listing by surname (and sometimes by first name as well) eighty-five Williamsburg heads of household. For eighty-three of these, the numbers of persons in the household who had recovered from, died of, or escaped the contagion, and the number then sick also were recorded, giving us a total number of the persons in each of these households. The compiler's brief descriptions of those who had died of the smallpox indicate that in addition to the householder's spouse and dependent children, he included as household members slaves, apprentices, and other household residents not necessarily related to the head of the household. The "smallpox list" also includes the total number of persons at the College in 1747/8. In addition to the eighty-five heads of household appearing on the "smallpox list," twelve additional persons who appear to have been heads of household in Williamsburg in 1747/8 have been identified through the York County Project data files. These files also have provided the biographical data necessary to support this study, which examines the demographic characteristics of the ninety-seven household heads in the aggregate, and explores the same characteristics for the four major occupational groups (artisans, merchants, tavernkeepers, and professionals) among the Williamsburg heads of household in 1747/8.

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The "smallpox list" indicates that 727 persons in Williamsburg lived in private households, while 41 lived at the college. An estimate of the total population, including the households identified by the York County Project and not appearing on the list, was obtained by determining the mean household size for each occupational category (artisan, professional, etc.) represented by the persons listed on the "smallpox list," (see Table 1) and applying the appropriate mean household size to each unlisted household head according to his/her occupation. The estimated total for the unlisted households was added to the total number of persons appearing on the "smallpox list," yielding a total estimated population of 885 for Williamsburg in 1747/8. Williamsburg's population in 1747/8 was less than half of what it would be at the end of the colonial period; the census of 1775 indicated that Williamsburg's population that year was 1,880.

The sizes of households recorded on the "smallpox list" varied widely, .but most were small. The largest households in town were those of John Blair, Esq., merchant and Councillor (54 persons), James Wray, a prosperous carpenter/joiner (35 persons), and finally Lieutenant Governor Sir William Gooch (32 persons). In all, however, only five households (6.0 percent) consisted of 21 or more persons. The majority, forty-two (50.6 percent) of the listed households, contained no more than 5 persons; sixteen (19.3 percent) had between 6 and 10 persons; and twenty (24.1 percent) contained between 11 and 20 persons. The average household size of those listed on the "smallpox list" was 8.8 persons. (See Table 1.)

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All heads of household for whom race could be determined were white. Although heads of household were not racially identified on the "smallpox list," for all but five, the York County Project files contain evidence that they were white. There is no evidence concerning race for the remaining five.

At mid-century, most of Williamsburg's households were headed by married men or widowers. Of the ninety-seven household heads in Williamsburg in 1747/8, seventy-three (75.3 percent) were male, sixteen (16.5 percent) were female, and eight (8.2 percent), listed by surname only and lacking further identifying evidence, are of unknown sex. Approximately fifty-nine percent (58.8 percent) of the household heads were married in 1747/8, or had been married previously, while only one percent had never been married. For approximately forty percent (40.2 percent) there was insufficient evidence to determine marital status. (See Table 2.) Of the sixteen female heads of household, at least twelve (75 percent) were widows, including Sarah Pegram, whose husband William, a bricklayer, had died during the epidemic. The marital status of the remaining four female heads of household is uncertain, though two of them are known to have had children by 1747/8.

Evidence of age is lacking for most of the female heads of household, but in examining the age structure among the male household heads, it becomes apparent that for the most part the men were neither very young nor very old. (See Table 3.) Nearly sixty-six (65.7) percent of the male household heads were between the ages of twenty-five and thirty-nine. Only 12.3 percent were between the ages of twenty and twenty-four, while 16.4 percent were above forty but less than sixty years of age. Only 5.5 percent were above the age of 4 sixty. Thus, most of the male household heads were mature men in their prime productive years.

Of the ninety-seven heads of household, only 2.1 percent are known to have been born in Williamsburg, and an additional 8.2 percent have evidence of Virginia birth. Although approximately 68 percent of Williamsburg's household heads had no evidence of place of birth, a full 20.6 percent had been born in the British Isles. (See Table 4.) This suggests a significant amount of trans-Atlantic migration into Williamsburg.

In keeping with this in-migration, the average length of time for which there is evidence of residence in Williamsburg for the ninety-seven heads of household prior to 1747/8 is 7.4 years (see Table 5), and 51.6 percent of the household heads had evidence of Williamsburg residence for 3 years or less prior to 1747/8. In fact, 28.9 percent had evidence of residence for a year or less in 1747/8. This indicates a substantial influx of people into Williamsburg in the 1740s, yet it is important to note that 29.9 percent of the household heads had lived in Williamsburg for 10 years or more, and 10.3 percent had lived there for 20 years or more. (See Table 6.) Therefore, in 1747/8, Williamsburg was composed of a stable core population as well as a substantial number of newcomers.

Once arrived the household heads displayed a degree of residential commitment to the town. APproximately fifty-five (54.6) percent of the household heads died in Williamsburg, and 49.0 percent of those decedents had lived in town at least ten years after 1747/8 and before death. (See Table 7.) 5 Though 45.2 percent of the household heads moved away or disappeared from the records, the average length of time for which there was evidence of Williamsburg residence after 1747/8 was 8.7 years (see Table 5), and 30.9 percent of the heads of household lived there for 10 years or more after 1747/8. Thus, it is likely that newcomers viewed Williamsburg as a place in which they wished to establish a permanent home.

For 28.9 percent of the household heads, there was no evidence to determine literacy, but 66 percent of the Williamsburg household heads are known to have been literate in 1747/8. Only 5.1 percent are known to have been illiterate; they made marks rather than signed their names to documents. (See Table 8.)

The heads of household in Williamsburg in 1747/8 provided the expected range of services to the community. Nine (9.3 percent) of the ninety­seven were professionals (doctors, lawyers, clergy); fourteen (14.4 percent) were merchants; ten (10.3 percent) were tavernkeepers, thirteen (13.4 percent) held miscellaneous occupations, while 28 (28.9 percent) were artisans. Of the artisans, four (14.3 percent) were in the construction trades, four (14.3 percent) were woodworkers (cabinetmakers, joiners, etc.); four (14.3 percent) were producing leather goods; and two (7.1 percent) were blacksmiths. Three artisans (10.7 percent) engaged in the "luxury" trades (goldsmith, jeweller, etc.), while six (21.4 percent) held service occupations (barbers, gardeners, etc.). Five (17.9 percent) of the artisans engaged in clothing/textile trades. The governor constituted his own occupational category. Of the ninety-seven 6 household heads, eleven males and eleven females (22.7 percent) had no evidence from which an occupation could be inferred.

Although the Williamsburg city records and the James City County court records do not survive, some evidence of the subjects' officeholding prior to 1750 can be obtained from the surviving York County records, colonial records, and scattered references to city and James City County officeholding. For 66 percent of the male heads of household there is no evidence of officeholding prior to 1750. For 6.2 percent of the male heads of household, there is evidence of city officeholding only; for 11.3 percent there is evidence of county officeholding only. Both city and county offices were held by 3.1 percent of the household heads, and 3.1 percent are known to have held colony/imperial offices only. Ten heads of household (10.3 percent) held at least one colonial/imperial office plus at least one county or city office. (See Table 9.)

While it is useful to examine the above characteristics in the aggregate, these characteristics were also examined as they pertain to the four principal occupational groups in the sample, the artisans, merchants, tavernkeepers and professionals. Some significant differences were found among the four groups.

The largest occupational group among the 1747/8 household heads was the artisans, comprising 28.9 percent of the heads of household. Two (7.1 percent) of the twenty-eight artisan heads of household were women. Twenty-two (84.6 percent) of the male artisans, were in their twenties or thirties, and 7 the remaining four (15.4 percent) were in their forties and fifties. (See Table 3.) Of the artisans, 53.6 percent were married in 1747/8 or known to have been married previously (see Table 2), and the mean size of an artisan­headed household was 7.5 persons, which was less than the aggregate mean of 8.8. (See Table 1.)

None of the artisan heads of household had evidence of birth in Williamsburg or Virginia. (See Table 4.) For twenty (71.4 percent) of the artisans there was no evidence of place of birth. Eight (28.6 percent) of the artisan household heads were born in the British Isles, and it is likely that a significant proportion of those for whom birthplace is unknown also were born there, when it is considered that the average length of time for which artisans had evidence of residence in Williamsburg prior to 1747/8 was 6.7 years. (See Table 5.) While 25.1 percent of the artisans ultimately disappeared from Williamsburg (see Table 10), nearly three quarters (71.4 percent) of those disappearing are known to have resided in Williamsburg for at least five years after 1747/8. Only three (10.8 percent) of the artisans are known to have moved away from Williamsburg; one moved away within a year of 1747/8, but the other two remained in Williamsburg for at least ten years. Fully 64.2 percent of the artisans died in Williamsburg, 33.3 percent of whom had lived there for at least ten years after 1747/8 prior to the time they died. In all, the mean number of years that the artisan heads of household lived in Williamsburg after 1747/8 until their death, emigration, or disappearance was 9.6 years, slightly above the aggregate mean of 8.7 years. (See Table 5.) It appears that Williamsburg was a magnet for mature, skilled workers who at least intended to make a permanent home here.

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Between 67.9 percent and 92.9 percent of the artisan heads of household were literate, which means that most of the group was well able to participate in the commercial/contractual processes common to urban centers. (See Table 8.) Artisan heads of household participated to only a limited degree, however, in lot ownership, the only contractual relationship studied for this group. Only eleven (39.3 percent)" of the artisans owned a lot by 1747/8. An almost equal number, ten or 35.7 percent, appear never to have owned a lot in Williamsburg, while seven (25.0 percent) purchased a lot after 1747/8. (See Table 11.) The proportion of lot-owning artisans among the lot­owning heads of household in 1747/8, however, was 28.9 percent, which is identical to the proportion of artisans among the total number of heads of household in 1747/8. Therefore, although a limited number of artisan heads of household owned lots in 1747/8, artisans were not under-represented as lot owners.

Similarly, only nine (32.1 percent) of the artisans held office, either local or colonial/imperial, prior to 1750 (see Table 9), but they accounted for 27.3 percent of the total number of household heads holding office before 1750, which percentage is only slightly less than the percentage of artisans among the total number of household heads (28.9 percent).

All of the nine artisan officeholders held some type of local office. (See Table 9.) Only one, William Parks, held a colonial/imperial office in addition to local office; Parks, the public printer and postmaster, also acted as alderman and mayor of Williamsburg. He was one (10.0 percent) of ten heads 9 of household who held both colonial/imperial and local offices. None of the artisans held a colonial office only. Of the nine artisan officeholders, six (66.6 percent) held county offices only. In fact, more artisans held only county offices than did any other occupational group, and they accounted for 50 percent of household heads who held only county offices. Two (22.2 percent) of the artisans held city offices only. These artisans comprised 33.3 percent of the household heads who held only city offices, so that the artisans were represented as city officeholders in greater proportion than their numbers among the heads of household. In terms of colonial/imperial officeholding and of combined colonial/imperial and local officeholding, however, the artisans were under-represented.

Although artisans held local office in greater proportion than their numbers among the total number of household heads, most artisans held only the less important 'local offices. Except for James Wray, carpenter/joiner, who was a justice of the peace, artisans held only the rather minor county offices of petit juror and grand juror. Of the artisans, only printer William Parks achieved the office of mayor of Williamsburg. Thomas Penman, a carpenter/joiner served as an alderman, but Peter Scott, cabinetmaker, at his death had served "upwards of forty years" on the common council.

In sum, the large number of artisans in Williamsburg typifies the artisan basis of Chesapeake urbanization. Artisans were by far the largest occupational group in Williamsburg in 1747/8, and a large majority were in their prime years of productivity. A significant number of them appear to have been immigrants, and 35.7 percent of the artisans either disappeared from or 10 moved from Williamsburg. The average length of residence among artisan heads of household (16.3 years) indicates a degree of commitment to the community, though it is shorter than the average length of residence for professionals, merchants, or tavernkeepers. (See Table 5.) In addition, artisans participated in proportion to their numbers in the ownership of real property in Williamsburg and in the holding of local offices, but most held offices of relatively lesser importance.

The merchants were the second largest occupational group in Williamsburg in 1747/8. Fourteen of the heads of household (14.4 percent) belonged to this group. All were male. Their age distribution falls into three distinct groups. Eight (57.1 percent) of the merchants were between the ages of twenty and thirty-four; four (28.6 percent) were in their late forties; and two (14.3 percent) were over age sixty. (See Table 3.) The characteristics examined in this study, including birthplace, marital status, length of residence, officeholding, and the holding of real property, are not appreciably different among the three age groups. More research will be needed to determine what, if any, other characteristics are particular to these groups. Of the merchants, 64.3 percent were married in 1747/8 or were known to have been married previously (see Table 2), and the mean size of a household headed by a merchant was 14.7 persons, the largest among the occupational groups and significantly above the aggregate mean of 8.8. (See Table 1.) As might be expected, all of the merchant heads of household were literate.

As in the case of the artisans, few merchants are known to have been of local origin, but the merchants on the average showed greater residential 11 commitment to Williamsburg than did any other occupational group. Two (14.3 percent) merchants had evidence of Virginia birth. Six (42.9 percent) are known to have been born in the British Isles, and there is no evidence of birthplace for the remaining six (42.9 percent). (See Table 4.) The average length of time for which a merchant head of household had evidence of residence in Williamsburg prior to 1747/8 was 10.4 years, 3.7 years longer than the mean for artisan heads of household and 3 years longer than the aggregate mean. (See Table 5.) Three of the merchants (21.4 percent) had lived in Williamsburg for at least 29 years by 1747/8. In all, three merchants (21.4 percent) subsequently moved from Williamsburg, including Walter King, who returned to England. King's stepfather-in-law, Thomas Jones, in his seventies and an inhabitant of Williamsburg for at least 35 years, removed to his plantation in Hanover County. John Holt also left and eventually became a printer in New York City.. All three had left Williamsburg by 1755. Only one merchant head of household (7.1:percent) disappeared from Williamsburg, and he did so within a year after the "smallpox list" was taken. By far the greatest number of merchant heads of household died in Williamsburg. Ten (71.3 percent) of the merchants died here, 60 percent of whom died at least fifteen years after 1747/8. (See Table 12.) The average number of years that a merchant head of household lived in Williamsburg between 1747/8 and his death, emigration, or disappearance was 12.1 years. (See Table 5.) Once arrived, the merchants were a residentially stable group.

Most merchants owned real property in Williamsburg. Nine (64.3 percent) of the merchant heads of household owned lots by 1747/8, and three (21.4 percent) subsequently purchased lots. Only two merchant household heads 12 (14.3 percent) have no evidence of lot ownership. (See Table 11.) Although merchants comprised only 14.4 percent of the total number of household heads in Williamsburg in 1747/8, they accounted for 23.7 percent of the household heads who owned lots by that year. Except for the artisans, more merchants owned lots in Williamsburg by 1747/8 than did any other occupational group.

The merchants were also the second largest occupational group (again, the artisans were first) to participate in officeholding. (See Table 9.) Six (42.8 percent) of the fourteen merchant heads of household held only local office (city and/or county) before 1750. None of the merchant heads of household held only colonial/imperial office before 1750, but two (14.3 percent) held a colonial office in combination with city/county officeholding before 1750, and accounted for 20.0 percent of all household heads to do so. Merchants comprised 24.2 percent of the household heads who held any office prior to 1750,'and for 30.0 percent of those who held only local office(s) prior to that date. The merchants were clearly over-represented as officeholders.

Two (25.0 percent) of the officeholding merchants held both city and county offices prior to 1750 and accounted for 66.6 percent of the three household heads who held both types of offices prior to that date. One (12.5 percent) of the officeholding merchants held city offices only and accounted for 16.6 percent of the household heads holding only city offices. Three (37.5 percent) held county offices only and comprised 27.3 percent of the heads of household who held only county offices. In all categories of local officeholding, the percentage of merchant heads of household participating 13 exceeded the percentage of merchants among the total number of heads of household in 1747/8.

In addition, more merchants than artisans held prestigious local offices. More merchants held major county office than did any other occupational group. Although two merchants acted only as petit juror or grand juror, four merchants were justices of the peace prior to 1750. One also acted as coroner prior to that date. Of those holding city office, one merchant achieved the office of alderman and three held the office of mayor of Williamsburg prior to 1750.

In summary, while the merchants were the second largest of the occupational groups among the Williamsburg heads of household in 1747/8, there were less than half as many merchants as artisans. Yet in 1747/8, though a significant. number of the merchants were immigrants, they had been established as Williamsburg residents longer on the average than had most other occupational groups, and they continued to be residentially stable after 1747/8. They were over-represented among the lot owners and local office holders, and it is likely that they exerted more influence than their numbers would indicate.

Next in number were the tavernkeepers, among whom were included those who operated unlicensed establishments offering lodgings. The ten tavernkeepers accounted for 10.3 percent of the total number of heads of household in Williamsburg in 1747/8. Two (20 percent) of the tavernkeepers were female. All of the male tavernkeepers appear to have been between the ages of twenty-five and thirty-nine in 1747/8. (See Table 3.) Of the two 14 females, one was at least twenty-three, and one was at least thirty-six years of age. Seven (70 percent) of the tavernkeepers were known to have been married by 1747/8; none had clear evidence that they had not been married by that date, and for three (30 percent) there was no evidence of marital status. (See Table 2.) The mean size of a household headed by a tavernkeeper in 1747/8 was 8.9 persons, virtually equal to the aggregate mean of 8.8. (See Table 1.) Eight (80 percent) of the tavernkeepers are known to have been literate; evidence of literacy is unavailable for the remaining two (20 percent). (See Table 8.)

The origins of the tavernkeepers are murky for the most part. For seven (70 percent) of them there is no evidence of their birthplace. One (10 percent) is known to have been born in Williamsburg; one (10 percent) is known to have been born elsewhere in Virginia; and one (10 percent) was born in the British Isles. (See Table 4.)

On the average, however, by 1747/8 the tavernkeepers had a considerably longer established residence in Williamsburg than any other occupational group. The mean length of time for which tavernkeeping heads of household had evidence of residence in Williamsburg prior to 1747/8 was 13.0 years, far above the aggregate mean of 7.4 years. (See Table 5.) Yet after 1747/8 their residential commitment to Williamsburg was checkered. Although there is no evidence that any of the tavernkeepers moved from Williamsburg, four (40 percent) disappeared from Williamsburg, three within a year of the compilation of the smallpox list. The remaining one, however, disappeared at least twenty years after 1747/8. The rest of the tavernkeepers (60 percent) 15 died in Williamsburg, two (33.3 percent) within two years of 1747/8, and a total of four (66.6 percent) died within ten years. Only two (33.3 percent) of those dying in Williamsburg lived in town for more than ten years after 1747/8 before their deaths. (See Table 13.) In all, the mean length of time that a tavernkeeping head of household lived in Williamsburg after 1747/8 and prior to death or disappearance was only 8.7 years, yet when the total mean length of residence, both before and after 1747/8, or 21.7 years, is considered (see Table 5), tavernkeepers compare favorably with both merchants and professionals in terms of residential commitment to the community.

Five (50 percent) of the tavernkeepers owned real property in Williamsburg by 1747/8, which was a higher percentage than among any of the other occupational groups, except merchants. Five (50 percent) had no evidence of lot ownership, so that none of the tavernkeepers acquired their first lot(s) after 1747/8. ,(See Table 11.) Tavernkeepers accounted for 13.2 percent of the household heads owning lots in 1747/8, which is above their proportion of the total number of household heads.

Four (40 percent) of the tavernkeepers, Or 50 percent of the eligible tavernkeepers, held some type of office prior to 1750. They constituted 12.1 percent of the officeholding heads of household. (See Table 9.) Two of the tavernkeepers held county office(s) only, and they accounted for 16.7 percent of those heads of household who held only county offices. Henry Wetherburn acted only as juror and grand juror, but Matthew Moody held the offices of sub­sheriff, inspector of beef and pork, inspector of flour, and inspector of pitch and tar. Interestingly, none of the tavernkeepers held any city offices at 16 all, but one held only colonial office and accounted for 33.3 percent of the household heads who held only colonial offices. He was the public gaoler, which position was distinctly similar to his tavernkeeping occupation and which was not a particularly prestigious colonial office. One tavernkeeper, James Shields, held a colonial office (surveyor of York County) and a county office (grand juror), and accounted for 10.0 percent of the household heads who held both colony and local office. Study of a larger sample of Williamsburg tavernkeepers may reveal whether or not they actually were pariahs when the time came to fill city offices.

Although no generalization can be made about the birthplace of most of the tavernkeepers, it is worth noting that, on the average, they had been established as residents of Williamsburg longer by 1747/8 than had any of the other occupational groups studied. Their total mean length of residence was comparable to that of the merchants and professionals. They held real property in Williamsburg in greater proportion to their numbers among the total number of household heads. The tavernkeepers also boasted more than their share of officeholders, but the prestige of the offices they held, which did not include city offices, varied widely.

The last major occupational group among the heads of household in Williamsburg in 1747/8 was the professionals, which included the doctors, lawyers, and clergy. Nine heads of household (9.3 percent) were professionals. All were male. Three (33.3 percent) were in their twenties; four (44.4 percent) were in their thirties; and two (22.2 percent) were in their forties. (See Table 3.) Five (55.5 percent) of the professionals are known to have been 17 married in 1747/8 or to have been married previously. Only one (11.1 percent) clearly had not been married, and evidence of marital status is unavailable for three (33.3 percent) of the professionals. (See Table 2.) The mean size of a professional household was 11.9 persons, which is significantly higher than the aggregate mean of 8.8. Only the merchants at 14.23 had a higher mean household size. (See Table 1.) All of the professional heads of household were literate. (See Table 8.)

Although a significant number of the professional heads of household appear to have been immigrants, this group exhibits a considerable residential commitment to Williamsburg. None of the professionals have evidence that they were born in Williamsburg and only two (22.2 percent) have evidence of Virginia birth. Four (44.4 percent) have no evidence of birthplace, but the remaining three (33.3.percent) were born in the British Isles. (See Table 4.) The mean length of time for which professional heads of household had evidence of residence in Williamsburg prior to 1747/8 was 8.2 years, which slightly exceeds the aggregate mean of 7.4 years. All of the professional group died in Williamsburg, 55.5 percent of whom died at least ten years after 1747/8. (See Table 14.) In all, the mean number of years that a professional head of household lived in Williamsburg between 1747/8 and his death was 14.1 years, the longest of any of the occupational groups. (See Table 5.)

Two (22.2 percent) of the professional heads of household owned real property in Williamsburg by 1747/8, and four (44.4 percent) more subsequently owned lots. For three (33.3 percent) there was no evidence of lot ownership. (See Table 11.) Professionals constituted 5.3 percent of the lot owning heads 18 of household in 1747/8, which is significantly less than their 9.3 percent share of the total number of heads of household in that year. Only male household heads with no evidence of occupation constituted a smaller percentage (2.6 percent) of the total lot owning heads of households in 1747/8; heads of household employed in miscellaneous occupations also constituted a larger percentage (13.2 percent) of the total lot-owning household heads than did the professionals. Perhaps there was a "professional neighborhood" on the James City County side of town.

Although the professional heads of household ranked low in the holding of real urban property, six (66.6 percent) of the professionals held some type of office prior to 1750, a higher percentage than among any other occupational group. (See Table 9.) Professionals accounted for 18.2 percent of the heads of household who held office before 1750, which is approximately twice the percentage of professionals among the total numbers of household heads in 1747/8. None of the officeholding professionals held only county offices. Two of the office holding professionals (33.3 percent) held city offices only; professionals accounted for 33.3 percent of the total number of heads of household who held only city offices prior to 1750. One (16.7 percent) of the officeholding professionals held both county and city offices prior to 1750; he also constituted 33.3 percent of the household heads who held both types of offices prior to 1750. One (16.7 percent) of the officeholding professionals, William Dawson, the president of the College of William and Mary, held only colonial/imperial office and accounts for 33.3 percent of the total number of Williamsburg heads of household who held only colonial/imperial office(s) prior to 1750. Peyton Randolph and Benjamin Waller (33.3 percent) 19 held both colonial and local office prior to 1750; they constituted 20.0 percent of the heads of household who filled both colony and local offices prior to 1750. Though relatively small in number, urban professionals appear to have been considered a desirable pool from which local and colony/imperial officeholders were to be drawn.

In addition, professionals held prestigious local offices. One was justice of the peace in York County, and another was clerk of neighboring James City County. Of the city officeholders, one was an alderman, but three are known to have been mayor of Williamsburg, and one was the city's recorder by 1750. Two of the mayors and the recorder also acted as trustees for the city.

The professionals as a group exhibit a considerable degree of residential stability, though their evidence of lot ownership is less than what might be expected. As would be expected in the occupational group that contains lawyers, they constitute a disproportionate number of the city and colony/imperial office holders, in comparison to the total number of Williamsburg heads of household in 1747/8.

In order to get a sense of the community identity in Williamsburg during this period, the extent to which Williamsburg residents entered into voluntary associations with other Williamsburg residents was tested by determining the residence of persons for whom a sample group posted bond, witnessed wills, or acted as executor or administrator. The sample group consisted of household heads who were either merchants or tavernkeepers 20 (including lodging house keepers) in 1747/8, two occupational groups who were likely to have had contact with non-Williamsburg residents. Ten of the fourteen merchants in the sample were involved in the specified associations with a total of eighty-eight principals. Of the eighty-eight, sixty-two (70.5 percent) were Williamsburg residents, eleven (12.5 percent) were Bruton Parish residents, and nine (10.2 percent) were York County residents. The remaining 6.8 percent had evidence of residence in other locations, or had no evidence of residence at all. It should be noted that Thomas Jones, the merchant who had the most Bruton Parish (5) and York County (8) bond and probate associations, was last active in these associations in 1728, when Williamsburg was still a very young community with a smaller population, and perhaps a less firmly established community identity.

Of the tavernkeepers, ten out of ten engaged in the above associations with a total of fifty-five principals, thirty-four (61.8 percent) of whom were Williamsburg residents, twelve (21.8 percent) of whom were Bruton Parish residents, and nine (16.4 percent) of whom were York County residents. The tavernkeepers, then, have no evidence of participation in these specified associations with anyone living more than a county's distance from town. Thus, in terms of voluntary associations, the merchants and tavernkeepers, though having opportunity to interact with non-residents, exhibited a fairly tight local community orientation. This may be due in part to the fact that on the average, merchants and tavernkeepers had long-established residence in Williamsburg prior to 1747/8.

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In sum, by 1747/8, Williamsburg had recently experienced a large influx of outsiders, many of whom were from the British Isles, which supplemented a core population of long standing. By this time Williamsburg was able to provide the expected range of goods and services. More than a quarter of the population's heads of household were artisans, but the population also contained its complement of merchants, professionals, tavernkeepers, and others. Although a significant number of the heads of household appear to have subsequently left Williamsburg, the average length of residence in Williamsburg of the group as a whole indicates a measure of residential commitment to the community, and the degree of trust that the tavernkeepers and merchants evinced for fellow townspeople indicates a developing community identity.